Sex workers at Sheri’s Ranch in Pahrump, Nevada, have taken a formal step toward unionisation, filing a representation petition with the National Labor Relations Board asking to be represented by the Communications Workers of America. According to reporting by the Associated Press and CBS News, 74 of the brothel’s courtesans , including full‑time, part‑time and on‑call workers , are seeking a secret‑ballot election that, if successful, would mark a first for legal brothels in the United States.

Workers say the push reflects mounting frustration with a new contractor agreement management imposed that, they contend, grants the brothel sweeping control over their likenesses and intellectual property rights extending beyond the workplace. Reporting by the Associated Press and local outlets describes provisions that the workers say could limit their ability to profit from online content they create independently and could impede transitions out of the industry; workers also allege acts of retaliation tied to organising.

Sheri’s Ranch disputes the union effort by arguing the courtesans are independent contractors and therefore outside the Board’s collective bargaining jurisdiction. That contention will force the NLRB to confront, once again, where to draw the line between employees and independent contractors , a debate with significant legal and economic consequences for platform, gig and sex‑work sectors alike. Coverage of the petition frames the employer’s classification defence as central to whether an election may proceed.

A separate but related push is unfolding at the national level: a coalition of trade associations and businesses has submitted a rulemaking petition that urges the NLRB to adopt a more employer‑favourable test for independent contractor status. The petition seeks to prompt a formal regulatory process that could ultimately be influenced by White House review, a procedural path highlighted in recent industry filings and commentary. That campaign comes after the Board under the Biden administration articulated a multifactor common‑law approach in the Atlanta Opera decision, which expressly diverged from earlier tests that emphasised entrepreneurial opportunity as the decisive factor.

In an apparently unconnected mobilisation, the United Food and Commercial Workers launched a national campaign to prohibit the use of artificial‑intelligence driven “surveillance pricing” in grocery stores. The union announced the Affordable Groceries and Good Jobs Campaign and is backing state‑level bills to bar dynamic pricing mechanisms and electronic shelf labels, characterising such tools as threats to both consumers and traditional retail employment. UFCW statements and press materials emphasise consumer protection and preservation of union jobs as central aims.

The UFCW’s action coincided with federal lawmakers introducing union‑supported legislation to curb surveillance pricing and require disclosures around facial recognition in stores. Senators Ben Ray Luján and Jeff Merkley introduced a bill that would ban algorithmic pricing based on mass consumer surveillance and restrict certain automated price‑setting technologies, signalling a legislative front to complement state lobbying and the union’s campaign. Together, these developments illustrate converging legal, political and labour strategies seeking to shape how technology, classification and workplace rights are regulated.

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Source: Noah Wire Services